The Anatomy of Public Corruption

Showing posts with label Southern Pacific. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Southern Pacific. Show all posts

The Oracle and the Theranos Suckers Pitch

Connecting Oracle to Commerce One, Balwani, Fremont Group and Bechtel

There is a long tail story lurking in the background in the matter of Bennett v. Southern Pacific linked a murder of a witness.  The truth kept in check by Contra Costa District Attorneys prior to Dianna Becton former Superior Court Judge of Contra Costa County.  

Take a moment to read on why Bennett v. Southern Pacific came to life and how it died on the Court House steps.  

The endless connections of Pete Bennett once again indicted for mail and wire fraud where Theranos investors get the help of the United States Attorney and Securities and Exchange Commission but when Bennett identifies losses in the tens of thousands the FBI agent said it wasn't big enough to go after.

The Fall of Theranos intertwined Fremont Group and Oracle
Often in life the same actors reappear sometimes like flies, lady bugs and horse but it's your choice which analogy is applicable.

Admittedly the Theranos case wasn't high priority until several names emerged.  It's quite funny as the accusers who gained the investigative prowess of the Securities and Exchange Commission are themselves a target of the Department of Justice. 

Mr. Balwani is a connection from the 1990s where he took control of Commerce One.  The founders were Tom Gonzales Sr. and Tom Gonzales Jr., the last time I saw them they were at Mt. Diablo National Bank preparing accounts.  We had short conversation as they were busy.  Tom jr. died a few weeks later from bladder cancer but that was from the grapevine.   There are other details about what happened that I cannot verify as it's more akin to back room chatter.

Vertical Technologies Lafayette CA

During my early computer days while building a cabinet shop I was always seeking cheap or special deals on equipment.  I would stop by their offices on the second floor down by the old Rockin Horse Bar and Restaurant.


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About Catellus and the Matter of Bennett v. Southern Pacific

ABOUT US

Catellus is a national leader in mixed-use development, solving some of America’s most complex land challenges. With nearly 30 years of experience as a master developer, Catellus has transformed former airports, military bases and urban industrial sites into thriving retail, residential and commercial communities. Catellus also excels at executing the retail and office components of these complex projects, often serving as the vertical developer.
As master developer, vertical developer or both, Catellus creates places that thrive in their urban locations and attract some of the nation’s top tenants and builders. Anchored by corporate headquarter facilities, hospitals, universities and other service organizations, Catellus mixed-use developments are highly valued in the local communities they serve.

HISTORY

In 1984, two railroad powerhouses, Santa Fe Industries and Southern Pacific Company, proposed a merger to form Santa Fe Southern Pacific Corporation. From this proposition, the two companies formed Santa Fe Pacific Realty Corporation, a wholly owned subsidiary group with a mission to conduct all non-railroad real estate activities. The land assets of this new corporation included sites positioned strategically next to the country’s busiest seaports and rail and roadway transportation routes, which led to unprecedented opportunities to transform large parcels of blighted or underutilized land in some of the nation’s fastest-growing cities.
From September 2005 through June 2011, Catellus merged with ProLogis, a leading owner, operator and developer of industrial real estate worldwide.  ProLogis sold the majority of its retail and mixed-use assets, as well as rights to the Catellus name, to TPG Capital, a private entity, in 2011. 
Today, Catellus operates as an independent private company based in Oakland, California, with regional offices and operations nationwide.
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Santa Fe Pacific Realty Corporation , Catellus Group, The Anschutz Corporation


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  • About Us - Catellus

    www.catellus.com/about/index
    About Us. Catellus is a national leader in mixed-use development, solving some of America’s most complex land challenges. With nearly 30 years of experience as a master developer, Catellus has transformed former airports, military bases and urban industrial sites into thriving retail, residential and commercial communities.
  • Projects - Catellus

    www.catellus.com/projects/index
    Mission Bay is one of the most significant redevelopment projects in the United States. A collaboration between City of San Francisco and Catellus Development Corporation, Mission Bay is located adjacent to the AT&T Park and close to SOMA and the Financial District. This former rail yard has emerged as a thriving waterfront mixed-use community.
  • Catellus | About | Mueller Austin

    www.muelleraustin.com/about/catellus
    About CatellusCatellus was founded in 1984, following a proposed merger of two railroad giants. When Santa Fe Industries (which owned the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway) proposed a merger with the Southern Pacific Company (which owned the Southern Pacific Railroad), the new company created a wholly owned subsidiary named the Santa Fe Pacific Realty Corporation.
  • Welcome to Catellus Group | Catellus Group

    catellusgroup.com/index.html
    Catellus Group is a small, privately owned real estate development company located in Charlotte, North Carolina. Our philosophy is simple: We visualize what others can't. So much of real estate is about opportunity - seizing the idea, tinkering with the process, and staying true to your potential until a viable and investment quality result is attained.
  • Gates Center Advisory Board | School of Medicine ...

    www.ucdenver.edu/.../whoweare/Pages/Community-Advisory-Board.aspx
    The School of Medicine on the Anschutz Medical Campus trains future MDs, PhDs, physical therapists and physician assistants. ... Prior to that, Sperling was Managing Director and the chief operating executive at Catellus Development Group, a wholly owned company of ProLogis. ... She also serves as an advisory board member for IAALS (University ...
  • Schools and Colleges | CU Anschutz | University of ...

    www.ucdenver.edu/anschutz/education/Pages/Schools-and-Colleges.aspx
    Programs may be on either the CU Anschutz Medical Campus or CU Denver. On the Anschutz Medical Campus, students learn to expand the frontiers of human health and disease in more than a dozen basic science, analytical, clinical and nursing disciplines. ... Collaboratively formed by the University of Colorado, Colorado State University and the ...
  • 2018 Courage Classic: Prologis - Children's Hospital ...

    chcof.convio.net/site/TR/CourageClassic/General?team_id=4073&pg=...
    Catellus Development Corporation Antenucci Foundation Beau Terrell Mr. William Gray Mr. Hamid R. Moghadam Prologis Matching Gift David B. & Gretchen W. Black Family Foundation ... Anschutz Medical Campus. 13123 E. 16th Ave., Box 045. Aurora, Colorado 80045. 720-777-1700. Colorado Springs.
  • UCHealth Anschutz Medical Campus

    https://www.uchealth.org/locations/UCHealth-Anschutz-Medical-Campus
    The Anschutz Medical Campus is home to the University of Colorado School of Medicine, University of Colorado Hospital, and many other clinical education, research and treatment facilities.. Conditions we treat. The Anschutz Medical Campus is the largest academic health center in the Rocky Mountain region.
  • Philip Anschutz - Wikipedia

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Anschutz
    "Philip Anschutz, Chairman and CEO, The Anschutz Corporation, Denver, CO", The Horatio Alger Association of Distinguished Americans. Bruck, Connie, "The Man Who Owns LA" , The New Yorker , January 16, 2012.
    • Children: 3
    • Net worth: US$11.3 billion (September 2018)
  • Anschutz North America - Official Site

    https://www.anschutznorthamerica.com
    Anschutz North America is the North American importer of the German Anschutz rifles. Home Factory Rifles ANA Exclusives Custom Shop Specials Parts & Ammo Service ... Help for your Anschutz air rifle! Download our new 2018 Catalogs! Anschutz Target Line Catalog.
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    Former General Counsel for Bennett v. Southern Pacific from 1972 to 1994






    Attorney Rick Kopf

    Featured on CNN

    Former General Counsel for Southern Pacific from 1972 to 1994 where Mr. Kopf moved along with the assets of Southern Pacific to Bechtel Real Estate and Investment, later rebranded to Fremont Group.



    Bennett v. Southern Pacific

    He lost his suits when his dry cleaner committed suicide around the time he was appearing on CNN
    Cnetscandal.blogspot.com
    His business eventually collapse in connection to rouge police officers connected to the City of Pittsburg where Bennett was forced out of business by external forces.
    One key factor was the pattern of incidents and breakins which included Arson








    Steve Burd CEO of Safeway

    Member of Hillside

    Cnetscandal.blogspot.com
    Steve Burd personally ejected me from the Walnut Creek Safeway using a store mananger to accuse me of stealing food.
    After several years of harrassment in this store that began near in unison with the arrests of Police Officers in a emerging corruption case that began when not long after the Concord and Lafayette Lynchings
    in the 1980s.



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    The Tracy Rail Yards Safeway Land Grab - Burn em' then screw em'



    For more than 100 years, Tracy, Calif., served as one of the major centers of rail transportation in the western United States. Beginning in the 1860s, transcontinental passenger and freight trains heading to and from the San Francisco Bay Area passed through the sprawling Tracy rail yard.
    According to Southern Pacific records, Tracy's freight yard set records for traffic handled through its connections with Oakland, San Jose and San Francisco (via Niles Canyon), Martinez (via the Mococo Line that parallels the Byron Highway), Los Banos (via the Westside Branch) and Stockton, Fresno and Sacramento (via the Lathrop branch), and on to Los Angeles, Portland, Ogden and points east.
    Into the 1970s, passenger trains, including the San Joaquin Daylight and the overnight Owl, made daily stops at the busy Tracy depot. Sugar beets, tomatoes, asparagus, dry beans and other produce were loaded on trains in Tracy, and the city once boasted one of the largest petroleum storage facilities on the West Coast, which also served as a fueling station for oil-fired steam locomotives.
    In essence, Tracy grew up around the railroad, with train crews and maintenance workers settling in homes that bordered on the rail yard, which in turn led to the establishment of local banks, restaurants, grocers and other supporting businesses.
    Railroading continues to be a key element of Tracy's present - witness the busy Altamont Corridor Express trains that pick up and drop off passengers here every morning and afternoon, and the city could once again be an important hub for the future high-speed rail project in California.
    The Train Town USA designation and development of the "Bowtie" area as the Downtown Tracy Railroad Historical District, along with the creation of the San Joaquin Valley Railroad Museum, affords the opportunity to attract countless railroad enthusiasts of all ages to the city for a variety of activities throughout the year, and would serve as a vital component in the revitalization of the downtown area.



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    Incumbent Dan Helix has huge fundraising lead in Concord City Council race

    Dan, my dead relatives are dead linked to
    Bennett v. Southern Pacific

    Incumbent Dan Helix has huge fundraising lead in Concord City Council race

    By David DeBolt Contra Costa Times
    Posted:   10/09/2012 01:09:12 PM PDT0 Comments Updated:   3 years ago
    CONCORD -- The lone incumbent in a crowded Concord City Council race has a huge campaign fundraising lead, with backing from the family who operates the city's trash disposal and contributions from business owners, unions and a prominent developer.
    Dan Helix has raised $72,599 since Aug. 1, putting him more than $50,000 ahead of the second place fundraiser in the race of 11 candidates vying for two seats on Nov. 6.
    The fundraising totals were released Friday and are from a reporting period beginning July 1 and ending Sept. 30.
    "It's from having friends of many years. I'm just overwhelmed and humbled by the amount I've been able to raise," said Helix, who was first on the council in 1968 and returned in 2010, when he was appointed to fill a vacancy.
    Most prominent on the list of donors is the Garaventa family and their employees, who operate Concord Disposal Service, the company that has historically provided garbage services for Concord and currently has a long-term franchise agreement with the city.
    They have donated $7,600 to Helix. Local developers Tom Seeno and Albert Seeno Jr. each contributed $1,000 to Helix, according to finance reports.
    Most of Helix's big donations came from two fundraising events that were $1,000 and $500 to attend respectively, he said.
    The retired Army general said he has been friends with the Garaventas for 50 years and has voted against Seeno proposals, including in April 2011 when the council voted 3-2 to deny a Seeno family company's request to extend the deadline to build the second office tower of the Metroplex development on Willow Pass Road and receive financial help from the city.
    "I'm not for sale. Your support indicates you believe I could do a good job, but you're not buying me," he said of his donors. "I think the record is clear."
    Housewives, restaurant owners, auto body shop owners, insurance agents and commercial real estate brokers are also among Helix's donors. Any leftover campaign money will be donated to local food banks, homeless outreach groups and organizations along the Monument Corridor, Helix said.
    Planning Commissioner Tim McGallian was second in fundraising, raising $15,055 this reporting period for a total of $20,505. His donors included the Garaventas, who contributed $4,000; former Councilman Guy Bjerke, who chipped in $250; and Contra Costa District Attorney Mark Peterson, who donated $100.
    The Concord Police Officer Association, which has endorsed Helix and McGallian, gave each candidate $1,500.
    To date, Carol Longshore has raised $7,050, Ed Birsan $6,353, Terry Kremin $775, Alany Helmantoler $300 and Harmesh Kumar $100. Suzanne Davis-Lucey reported no contributions. The City Clerk's office did not receive financial reports from Robert David Camacho and Marnie Sheehan-Carter.
    Birsan and Kumar are running largely self-financed campaigns, having loaned themselves to date $68,941 and $38,353, respectively. A portion of the loans are a carry-over from previous campaigns, Birsan and Kumar each said.
    David DeBolt covers Concord and Clayton. Contact him at 925-943-8048.
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    Catellus Buys Former Kaiser Steel Mill

    SOUTHLAND FOCUS

    Catellus Buys Former Kaiser Steel Mill

    August 17, 2000 Jesus Sanchez

    Catellus Development Corp. said it paid $16 million for the 588-acre property in San Bernardino County that it will develop into a giant industrial park and truck plaza. A subsidiary of the real estate development firm will eventually construct 6 million square feet of industrial space at the Kaiser Commerce Center in the Fontana area. The property, which is located near the intersection of Interstates 10 and 15, was purchased from Kaiser Ventures Inc. An environmental cleanup of the site and completion of transportation improvements are scheduled to be completed by mid-2002, according to the San Francisco-based company.

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    Catellus Development, a Murder Nexus Not an Octopus

    Catellus Development, the Next Octopus?

    Thirty-seven years before writer Frank Norris created the fictional Octopus in his 1901 novel, the U.S. Congress gave birth to its real-life counterpart by granting the Southern-Pacific Railway company a checkerboard pattern of right-of-way land parcels lining either side of their tracks from Texas to California. Although the railroad would dry up economically in the mid-20th century, and disappear entirely in 1994 when it was swallowed by the Union-Pacific Railroad in a merger, the Octopus that Congress created still lives on in the form of the real estate giant that it grew into from those 1864 checkerboard easements. This company, once known as Southern-Pacific Realty, has tentacles that span the continent. It is now known as Catellus Development, and it is an absolute Colossus.

    Catellus is the second largest private landholder in the western United States with 817,000 acres in California alone. It develops commercial real estate, shopping centers, and housing, and acquired a number of properties on some defunct military bases during the Clinton administration’s base closure program. Catellus has also been very active in a number of land swaps, where it exchanged mostly worthless rural properties for prime development land within urban areas, or for land directly adjacent to planned freeways.

    Catellus is headed by chairman/ CEO Nelson Rising, a big-time developer formerly with McGuire-Thomas. This is the development company that built Playa Vista in Los Angeles, the mixed-use development out on the Ballona Wetlands. Rising used to be a Hollywood producer whose 1971 film, The Candidate, examined the political corruption of an environmental idealist who sacrifices his principles to become elected as one of California’s U.S. Senators.

    Catellus is one of the most politically wired development companies in California with significant ties to Senator Dianne Feinstein, outgoing San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown (who was formerly their attorney), California State Senate President Pro Tem John Burton (another ex-Catellus attorney), and John Foran, the MTC lobbyist who briefly served as Catellus’ lobbyist on a very provocative piece of legislation sponsored by Burton in 1997. Another client with Foran’s lobbying firm Nossaman, Guthner, Knox and Elliott is the LA Metropolitan Transit Authority, whose offices happen to be in another Catellus property, renovated with redevelopment money in downtown Los Angeles at Union Station.
    In a 1997 article published in Forbes Magazine, writer Mary Beth Grover put it this way: “With real estate, politics matters a lot, almost as much as location. In California real estate, politics is the most important thing (and) aside from sheer corruption, there are a number of ways to appease these little gods. Catellus knows the game well.”

    It certainly hasn’t hurt Catellus’ cause that the corporation and its officers, including ex-producer Rising, have been significant contributors to the political war chests of both Willie Brown and Dianne Feinstein. Besides the $140,000 in legal fees that Willie Brown received from Catellus as one of its attorneys from 1982 until 1994, Brown’s two San Francisco mayoral campaigns also received a lot of cash from Catellus. So did Feinstein’s U.S. Senate campaigns. Over the past ten years, Feinstein’s campaigns have received over $150,000 from Catellus Development. Brown’s two mayoral campaigns landed a total of close to $50,000 from Catellus and individuals associated with the corporation.

    Senator Feinstein has proven very successful in promoting a land-swap project that involves Catellus properties in Southern California. The Senator is very proud of this project and lists it as one of her prime accomplishments on her Congresssional website. This is the Desert Wilderness Protection Act of 1994 (the act was funded with additional legislation sponsored by Senator Feinstein in the 1999, 2000 and 2001 sessions of Congress). Now known as The Desert Wildlands Act, this bill involves the transfer of over 400,000 acres of Catellus land in the Mojave Desert to the federal government to create a natural preserve. Of the $56.5 million purchase price for the Catellus desert properties, $30 million of the money is coming from the U.S. government. while the additional $26.5 million is coming from a non-profit environmental group called The Wildlands Conservancy.

    In a press release put out by Senator Feinstein’s office, Nelson Rising gave credit to Feinstein: “The successful completion of these transactions would not have been possible without the significant efforts of Senator Dianne Feinstein.” Rising then went on to credit David Myers and the Wildlands Conservancy for “rais(ing) the private funds necessary to complete these sales.”

    But a few critics wonder whether this massive land swap was such a great deal for anybody other than Catellus.


    In a column titled “A Succession of Land Deals” by Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters published in March of 2001, Walters wrote that the Catellus desert swap amounted to a deal where “Catellus walked away with cash and valuable land and gave up virtually nothing of real value. It was a coup for the company’s top executive, Nelson Rising.” Walters went on to state that the Catellus desert bill bore some similarities to the Headwaters Forest bill in that both were used to appease envirnonmentalists who favored the desert park and wanted to preserve the forest. Senator Feinstein negotiated the half-billion dollar Headwaters deal right before she authored the Desert Wildlands bill.
    Jeffrey Baird, a computer programmer who works for the County of San Bernardino, says that the whole thing stinks to high heaven. “I believe that non-profits (e.g. The Wildlands Conservancy) masquerading under the cloak of “environmentalism” are being used as vehicles to initiate a series of land purchases/swaps that will ultimately benefit Catellus Corporation and their friends at the expense of John Q. Public.” Baird says that Catellus is giving up desert lands that are undevelopable in exchange for lands adjacent to freeways that are well traveled and worth considerably more.
    Baird pointed out that there seems to be a connection between Catellus Development and The Wildlands Conservancy that constitutes a direct conflict of interest, and says that he fears “that the resulting charitable gift/sales of ‘ostensibly appreciated land’ are inconsistent with the underlying land values of these properties as determined by the county assessor.” Baird says that the assessed values of the land when they are transferred from Catellus ownership to the Wildlands Conservancy increase sharply, as high as 300% in some cases, yielding huge tax benefits to Catellus. Baird has been trying to get a number of investigative agencies to look into the issue without success.
    Baird also believes that some of the federal land transfers involve public lands that have been illegally transferred to private ownership by the federal Bureau of Land Management. Baird has shown this reporter a series of land parcels with map overlays that seems to establish his contention that the parcels were in fact public lands as little as ten years ago. “I think the whole thing is a money pump,” said Baird.
    In a May 1997 issue of Media ByPass magazine, writer Karen Lee Bixman explored an area of the land swap that made some of Baird’s concerns look pale by comparison. In this story titled “The Great Gold Heist: The Desert Wilderness Protection Act,” Bixman characterized Senator Dianne Feinstein as “The Modern Jesse James.” Exchanging worthless desert land for more viable commercial land alongside interchanges is bad public policy, but swapping worthless land for rich, gold-bearing deposits was also scheduled.
    Bixman wrote: “the real motivation for the passage of (the Feinstein) bill lies with the special interest groups that would benefit monetarily.Through a complex series of land exchanges, Catellus will receive land that contains some of the richest gold deposits in the world.”
    Part of the Catellus land exchanges in the Mojave included a swap for a decommissioned military base called Chocolate Mountain. Bixman said geologists told her that Chocolate Mountain has deposits worth somewhere between $40-100 billion. Catellus owns the nearby Mesquite mine in the Chocolate Rift zone, which, Bixman wrote, “is one of the ten most profitable mines in the United States and has some of the most profitable gold deposits of any mine in the world.”
    Catellus Development is based in San Francisco at 201 Mission Street — just across the street from the Transbay Terminal. Catellus has a number of high profile, multi-billion dollar projects underway in the Bay Area, including the $3 billion Mission Bay project in San Francisco, and the $1.5 billion military base conversion project in Alameda, at the former Fisk Naval Air Center. Both of these projects are mixed-use developments that will include commercial office space, retail space, and housing.
    There is a strong possibility that Catellus (CDX on the New York Stock Exchange listings) could be the latest publicly-traded stock which might experience a sudden price rise from a process related to transportation projects. These projects include the planned redevelopment of the Transbay Terminal in San Francisco and the so-called Mid-Bay Crossing bridge being studied by the Metropolitan Transit Authority.
    On the first project, a Transbay Terminal bill was passed in the 2000 California legislative session that was carried by Assemblyman Dion Aroner, an East Bay legislator. This bill, AB 1409, proposed a new 900,000 square foot transit building with commercial offices above it that was initially pegged to cost $900 million. Although Aroner was the bill’s nominal author, sources at the State Capitol told this reporter that outgoing San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown had a large hand in drafting the legislation.
    The bill was essentially a land swap with the City of San Francisco. With a new tower atop the Transbay Terminal, and adding in the adjacent lands that were then scheduled for the swap, the City of San Francisco would have received approximately $4 billion worth of prime development land for a buck. One of the potential developers surely to be considered for this project is Catellus Development, whose corporate headquarters at 201 Mission Street, is adjacent to the terminal site.
    The Aroner bill also carried an exemption in it stating that the State of California would not receive fair market value for the exchange. At the end of that year’s legislative session, then-Governor Gray Davis vetoed the bill but said that he would try to accomplish the same goal by handling the matter “administratively,” which presumably meant that the package could go through without the legislature having to enact a new piece of legislation. Neither Davis nor Governor Arnold Schwarzennegger would comment for this story. At present, the new, so-called “Great Expectations” terminal project is still on hold.
    The second potentially profit-producing process involves a possible new bridge across the San Francisco Bay.
    Almost directly after San Francisco Chronicle columnist Alan Temko’s article touting the bridge of his good friend, the late T. Y. Lin, appeared on the newspaper’s front page in its March 10, 1997 edition, the MTC’s chief lobbyist, John Foran, was hired as a lobbyist by Catellus Development to work on behalf of SB 1215. This piece of legislation was authored by San Francisco’s State Senator John Burton, the man who describes himself as “Willie Brown’s best friend.” Burton was also once Catellus’ lawyer. The bill was co-sponsored by the two Assembly members from San Francisco, Carole Migden and Kevin Shelley, both of who are part of what former State Senator, now Sam Mateo Superior Court Judge, Quentin Kopp calls “Willie Brown’s cabal.”
    The Burton bill resolved a long-standing dispute between the City of San Francisco, the State of California, and the private developers, Catellus, doing business under the name of Western Realty. The bill allowed the development of filled tidelands to take place in Mission Bay and also provided for a new University of California San Francisco campus. SB 1215 was passed as an emergency measure that took effect immediately when it was signed by then-Governor Pete Wilson in August, 1997. The bill didn’t receive one nay vote as it went through the legislature, nor did it generate one single news story despite its huge potential impact on the long-stalled Mission Bay project.
    What is most interesting about the hiring of John Foran on the Burton/Catellus bill was the length of his contract with Catellus and how much money he was paid. Foran’s term of employment was 22 days — from March 20 through April 11 of 1997, for which he was paid almost $17,000. That’s an astronomical rate of pay for a contract lobbyist to represent a client on one piece of legislation only. During that same time, Foran’s yearly pay for the MTC was $50,000.
    What was a transportation lobbyist, the man who founded the MTC, doing on behalf of a real estate company like Catellus?
    When I asked Willie Brown about this bill at a televised press conference in the summer of 1998, he denied that he knew anything about it. This seemed puzzling, as the main lobbyist for Catellus Development, Marsha Smolins, then happened to be the main lobbyist for the City and County of San Francisco. Smolins began her career in politics as an aide to U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein.
    Brown’s first response to my question was that he didn’t know what I was talking about. When I pressed him with a follow-up question, he said, “I’ll have my people get back to you about it.” Since this bill provided for a new UCSF campus, and since such a campus would likely demonstrate a significant demand for transit, I asked him whether or not he had given any thought to the possibility of a new Mid-Bay Crossing bridge. “You’d better watch yourself, or you’re going to go off that bridge,” said Mayor Brown.
    A year-and-a-half after he had chided me about “going off that bridge,” and almost directly after being reelected Mayor of San Francisco in the fall of 1999, Willie Brown received an appointment to the $100 billion California Public Employees Retirement System (PERS) pension fund investment board — the investment fund that once owned 80% of Catellus Development stock and is still its largest institutional shareholder at somewhere close to 40%. Shortly after Mayor Brown was appointed to PERS, Dianne Feinstein wrote a letter to Governor Gray Davis asking for an updated study of the Mid-Bay Crossing bridge. If such a bridge design included a landfall at either of the two Catellus properties — at Mission Bay or the Fisk Naval Air Center base conversion — it would likely have a beneficial effect on Catellus stock prices.
    In near record time, MTC approved the Mid-Bay Crossing study, which is currently underway. Then Willie Brown, Dianne Feinstein and the San Francisco bunch took a shot at winning the trifecta: three stocks with three bills.
    The first bill was the Catellus-sponsored legislation, SB 1215, from the 1997 session (As a matter of fact, during the passage of SB1215, Catellus stock went from below $10 a share to $18 a share. On November 26 and 28, 1997, after Burton’s SB 1215 had become law, almost 4.25 million shares of Catellus stock were traded at over $18 a share. Insider activity was heavy, with over 3 million shares traded.) Senator John Burton’s additional bill in the 2000 session, SB 1562, called for development of a new rail link between San Francisco Airport and another airport on land owned by a city and county and located in another county. There’s only one likely place that this can be: the former Fisk Naval Air Center in Alameda. By some strange quirk, part of this airbase is within the city and county limits of San Francisco. The Fisk Center is presently being developed as a mixed-use commercial office and retail center with 350 dwelling units. The developer is Catellus.
    Directly after Senator Burton’s first bill, SB 1215, was passed in the 1997 session, Burton’s campaign received three contributions totalling $55,000 from the Southern California District Council of Carpenter’s Political Action Fund. Richard Blum, Senator Feinstein’s husband, is this union’s pension fund manager.
    Then, on the day that he introduced SB 1562 in the 2000 session, Burton’s campaign received a $4,000 contribution from Nossaman, Guthner, Knox and Elliott, the lobbyist group headed by John Foran who have been active on every speculation-driven stock from the bullet train in 1982 until now.
    When the legislature went to conference committee in June, 2000, a new paragraph was amended into the trailer bill that was the financing scheme for the purchase of the Cargill Salt Flats near San Francisco Airport. Cargill Salt is another Nossaman, Guthner client. The trailer bill was Assemblywoman Carole Migden’s AB 398. Migden’s original bill called for $150 million in state funds to help acquire the Cargill salt flats. (When Governor Gray Davis signed the bill into law, the amount of state funds had been reduced to $20 million). Besides acquiring the Salt Flats for environmentalists, the land was also scheduled to be used for the estimated $3 billion expansion of the San Francisco Airport.
    During the hearing for AB 398, Migden mentioned the fact that Senator Feinstein was carrying the ball for the acquisition in Congress with a “spot” bill. The same type of legislative vehicle that drove the Bay Bridge and Bullet Train profit-making processes. What she didn’t mention was that URS Greiner, Richard Blum’s company, was chosen as the engineering design firm in charge of the $3 billion SFO expansion, presently on hold.
    Like all the other transportation bills dating back to the bullet train in 1982, the Burton-Migden-Feinstein package began as “spot” bills that contain the famous California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) exemptions and other key elements these legislative wizards have been refining ever since. It also involved an airport runway “competition” for SFO that was very like that for the Bay Bridge competion. This time, the notice for the competition was posted the very day the competition closed. But this time, there were five finalists, not two. It wasn’t much of a surprise to learn that URS, Blum’s firm, won.
    All the usual players were present when the deal was going down in conference committee during the 2000 session. Mayor Willie Brown and his people were there. Willie called the airport expansion “a golden opportunity” when he gave testimony on the bill’s behalf. Senator John Burton was up on the dais. The MTC’s Executive Director Steve Heminger was circling around, and so was MTC founder, John Foran. So were other lobbyists from the Nossaman, Guthner group. Notably absent were Richard Blum and his wife, Senator Dianne Feinstein.
    In the weeks leading up to the Burton-Migden-Feinstein legislative package, the savvy investors were furiously buying stock. Richard Blum was purchasing URS stock in 100,000 share lots; it had fallen from 28 to 12 in the time that Willie Brown and Dianne Feinstein made every effort to kill the new eastern span of the Bay Bridge that the MTC had chosen in May, 1998. Then URS turned around and began rising again, from $12 to $20 a share in six months. Lockheed-Martin (LMT on the NYSE) would experience a significant jump in 2001-2002 when the new high-speed train legislation went through. The MTC was studying a new southern crossing bridge. Can you imagine the effect on Catellus stock if the bridge runs from one of their properties to a landfall on another property they own? The previous MTC study in 1991 alluded to such a possibility. As a matter of fact, the late T.Y. Lin already had a bridge designed for a Mid-Bay crossing. And who cares if it ever gets built? Just take the speculation-driven profit and move on to the next process.
    RICHARD TRAINOR is an investigative reporter living in Eugene,
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    Ivory Consulting Walnut Creek - The connection #Catepillar #MormonMurders and Mitt Romney

    In 2004 I was drawn into the Mormon Church at Alamo 1st, by summer my truck exploded.  By Sept 27th, 2014 my Mormon relatives the Strack's were dead.

    There is a link between that 2004 Arson, the PG&E Explosions in San Bruno, Fresno and the 2004 Walnut Creek Explosion which happens to lead to former Judge Golub whose brother strongly connects to Nixon Peabody Energy lobby as Howard v. Golub is former PG&E General Counsel for for Regulatory affairs.

    Howard you're friends are Rick Kopf who is friends with the Saudi's via the Bin Laden Family



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    CBS 48 Hours: The Country Club Murders

    Bootstrap Thumbnail First

    Murder Suicide #4

    First these relatives connected to friends and family, by definition cousins once removed. My brother Alex Bennett, my sister-in-law Kathy Hak are related to Mary Hak Strack and Ernie Strack.

    We share the same hometown,

    The Fremont Group Connection to Witness Murder
    This is a template for a simple marketing or informational website. It includes a large callout called the hero unit and three supporting pieces of content. Use it as a starting point to create something more unique.
    Learn more

    Evidence Tampering

    CBS 48 Hours: The Country Club Murders

    In 2010, persons in my offices I know suspect are behind many arson fires in Contra Costa County plus Bay Area. Right around the time of San Bruno Explosion two individuals were in my offices. Just before my business was shattered by suspects the Scherer's were murdered allegedly by their son but in 2012, a person of interest and solid connector to this case turned up with a pretty good match to the alleged murder weapon.
    Like the Kinder Morgan explosion suddenly it was Clam Shell Investigations.  We can get on 48 Hours but we won't talk about newly developed information. 
    • Suspect A: Ernie Scherer III  (represented by Mormon Attorney) 
    • Suspect B: None
    • Witness A: Sister
    • Witness B: Ex-wife
    • Connectors: Alamo 1st Ward, Danville Stake, 
    • Known to Parties: Walnut Creek Bishop Matthew Lyons 
    The Death Of Accenture Employee Murder

    Murder Victims: Ernie and Ardoth Scherer

    • Devout t Mormon's where all members are assigned Wards configured in Stakes under Temples.
    • The Golub Conspiracy :
    • Howard V. Golub ~ Former General Counsel for PG&E CPUC and Regulatory Affairs 

    Murder Victims: The Judge lacked but the execution was completed

    • Superior Court Judge Joel Golub who connects to the CNET Scandal involving CAL Department of justice Commander Norman Wielsch but also connects Judges, Attorneys, Deputy's and DDA to the same story.
    • Suspect E:Attorney Lisa Trapani former associate of Atty. Dick Grossman (C), retired Walnut Creek PD, Former Bomb Squad Leader, tampered with known Federal Witness, strong connections to the

    The Golub Conspiracy
    CNET Conspiracy 

    Suspect D: Contra Costa County Deputy Vince Jimenez (Sus/Vic) places Armando Ibarra in Bennett's cell, Ibarra taken off meds, planned arrest timed and premeditated intent to harm or kill, Bennett even stronger connection to the CNET Conspiracy

    Suspect E: Walnut Creek Officer Vessor (F) who arrested Bennett at Safeway parking lot at 600 S. Broadway Walnut Creek CA, site of many Bennett incidents, work location of Suicide Victim Jamie Sheets then embroiled in the Bacteria case with Doc's Pharmacy Walnut Creek WC1-2001 ,
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    Steven A. Burd 1949– President, chief executive officer, and chairman of the board, Safeway


    Steven A. Burd
    1949–




    #MormonMurders - Links coming soon
    #SafewayMurders -  Links coming soon


    President, chief executive officer, and chairman of the board, Safeway
    Nationality: American.
    Born: 1949, in Valley City, North Dakota.
    Education: Carroll College, BS, 1971; University of Wisconsin, MA, 1973.
    Family: Married Chris (maiden name unknown); children: two.
    Career: Southern Pacific Transportation Company, 1974–1982, marketer; Arthur D. Little, 1982–1987, management consultant; Safeway, 1986–1987, consultant; self-employed, 1987–1991, management consultant; Stop & Shop, 1988–1989, consultant; Fred Meyer, 1989–1990, consultant; Safeway, 1991, consultant; 1992–, president; 1993–, chief executive officer; 1998–, chairman of the board.

    Address: Safeway, 5918 Stoneridge Mall Road, Pleasanton, California 94588-3229; http://www.safeway.com.

    Nate Greenan Murdered in 2012
    Ernie and Ardoth Scherer Murdered
    by Ernie Scherer III (top left) with
    ceremonial sword sitting Nate's hands
    two years after conviction
    ■ Steven A. Burd was an evangelical Christian (Hillside Covenant Church) and a tough leader, a combination that puzzled his opponents but that put him in the mainstream of a movement that resulted in the election of another evangelical Christian, George W. Bush, as president of the United States in 2000; Burd was one of Bush's most prominent supporters in California. Burd's strength, and perhaps his bane, was his remarkable skill as a micromanager; he could increase sales from a store by merely rearranging the shelving on an aisle, and he could save his company money by adjusting how plastic bags were ordered.

    RAILROAD TO CONSULTING

     Burd's father was a railroad-yard superintendent, and Burd was raised primarily in Minot, North Dakota. He earned a BS in economics from Carroll College in 1971, and in 1973 he earned an MA in economics from the University of Wisconsin, after which he took a job in marketing with the Southern Pacific Transportation Company.
    In 1982 Burd joined the industrial management consulting firm of Arthur D. Little in New York City, where he earned a reputation for fixing broken companies. While at Arthur D. Little he attracted the attention of the management of Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Company, a firm that specialized in leveraged buyouts of troubled companies. In 1986 Burd worked at Safeway as a management consultant after Kohlberg Kravis Roberts bought the ailing supermarket chain. In 1987 he went into the consulting business for himself while continuing to help Safeway with its organizational problems.

    AILING CHAINS

    In 1988 Kohlberg Kravis Roberts asked him to consult at Stop & Shop, a chain of stores that was losing its customer base. Burd helped fix the chain's problems with product selection, which had not kept up with changing consumer tastes. In 1989 he went to Oregon to help the local supermarket chain Fred Meyer. Although Burd had no official title and was technically an outsider, as the representative of the parent company, Kohlberg Kravis Roberts, he found he had real muscle behind him when he ordered changes. His most significant contribution to the chain's recovery was to set up management systems to keep track of operating expenses and how supplies related to sales.
    By the end of 1990 the mismanagement of Safeway was legendary, with tales of employees driven to suicide and others killed by work-related stress appearing in newspapers and magazines. Employee morale was awful, amid chronic fears of sudden, seemingly arbitrary dismissals and store closings. Safeway's prices were higher than those of its competitors, driving away customers, and it was losing money rapidly. Fresh from his two-year turnaround success at Fred Meyer, Burd was asked to consult again at Safeway.

    TURNING SAFEWAY AROUND

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    When he returned to Safeway, Burd found a paranoid corporate culture, outraged labor unions, customers who felt betrayed by a chain that closed profitable local stores, and an accounting system that was so neglected that management could not know what was making money and what was not.

    On October 26, 1992, Kohlberg Kravis Roberts forced Safeway's management to accept Burd as its new president. It had to have been a tough situation for Burd, because the man most widely blamed for Safeway's woes, Peter Magowan, remained chief executive officer (CEO). Magowan was supposedly Burd's superior in the governance of the company, but in terms of micromanagement Burd had few peers, and he soon made his presence felt throughout the company. The chain had 1,100 stores, mostly in the far west of the United States and in Canada. It had nine regional companies, each run independently of the others.
    It took Burd years to make the nine divisions partners. He began with seemingly simple matters such as the procurement of plastic bags for bagging groceries. He found that each of the nine companies had its own individual deals with plastic-bag manufacturers, seven altogether. As he would for procurement in general, Burd centralized at corporate headquarters in Oakland, California, the ordering of plastic bags by narrowing the suppliers to two, which translated into a savings of $2.5 million per year. Burd introduced streamlined systems of cost analysis, which also resulted in savings. For example, store managers reported that in-store salad bars were earning 40 percent margins, a big boost for a company that was losing money. Yet when Burd examined the losses due to spoilage and the cost of labor to maintain the salad bars, he discovered that they were actually losing money, so he had them eliminated. For 1992 Safeway grossed $15.2 billion, and its shares sold for about $5.
    On April 30, 1993, Burd was appointed CEO as well as president of Safeway, with Magowan remaining as chairman of the board but no longer involved with the day-to-day operations of the company. Burd took to visiting individual stores to study layouts, products, and even the ambient music and lighting. He began adjusting each store's produce section to suit the ethnic preferences of the neighborhood; adding, for example, more mangos in predominantly Hispanic neighborhoods. He was distressed by the amount of produce and other perishables that was spoiling on shelves and pressured store managers to keep their produce fresh. He introduced organic produce to Safeway, reasoning that low prices alone would not make customers loyal and that special, high-quality products could help cement consumer loyalty.

    Burd succeeded at lowering shelf prices to make Safeway competitive with other supermarkets. The savings that resulted from his management reforms were used to lower prices further, remodel stores, train employees to give better service, and to introduce the Safeway Select line of premium in-house products, which became very successful at attracting and retaining customers who wanted a brand line they could trust. Although Kohlberg Kravis Roberts had reintroduced Safeway to the stock market in 1990, it still held 67 percent of the shares, and its support helped Burd's reforms stick. By the end of 1993 Safeway had achieved a 1 percent profit margin, about the industry standard, which at the time was regarded as significant evidence of Safeway's new efficiency and improved customer service. On September 7, 1993, Burd was elected to Safeway's board of directors.
    In 1995 Burd began the Safeway Category Optimization Process, which considered a store's offerings aisle by aisle rather than by product category. The idea was to put products on the aisles where customers would expect to find them. In 1996 Safeway owned 35 percent of Vons, a southern California supermarket chain. Burd forced a buyout of the remaining 65 percent of shares from a reluctant Vons management. This expanded Safeway's holdings to 1,377 stores, employing 140,000 workers. Customer service improved throughout Safeway's stores, with employees remembering frequent customers by name and escorting customers to the appropriate aisles when they asked about a specific product. Insistence that employees smile at customers may have backfired when some women employees protested that their smiles elicited unwanted interest from male customers. The price per share of Safeway stock rose to $80. Burd believed that enabling employees to invest in Safeway stock was good for the financial health of both the employee and the company, and he believed shares needed to be priced low enough that employees could easily invest in them, so in 1996 he had Safeway split its shares two for one.

    By 1997 one-fourth of Safeway's employees owned 15 percent of the company's stock. Burd developed a program of sending anonymous inspectors into individual Safeway stores to check on the service provided to customers. Safeway's private-label plants were selling their products to other Kohlberg Kravis Roberts chains, increasing the profits realized at each plant. Safeway's sales increased 48 percent, and the chain tried to underprice its competitors on average shelf prices. Kohlberg Kravis Roberts lowered its holding of Safeway stock to 50 percent. Safeway netted $1.3 billion in 1997, and Burd sought to use the money to acquire new stores, believing that by increasing its size Safeway would achieve an economy of scale that would allow it to survive the looming challenges of discount chains such as Wal-Mart and Target.

    EXPANSION

    On May 12, 1998, Burd was elected Safeway's chairman of the board, with Magowan remaining only as a director. This was Burd's chance to fully shake loose from his predecessor. Meanwhile, Kohlberg Kravis Roberts brought its holding in Safeway down to 16 percent, meaning that Burd was largely free of their oversight, too. By October 1998 Safeway's shares were selling for $43.63 (after the split) and its financing seemed strong enough for Burd to make a daring move: In November 1998 Safeway bought Dominick's Finer Food of Illinois for $1.8 billion, consisting of cash and an assumed debt of $646 million. Dominick's had 113 stores and was a chain known for its premium products. Three years earlier the chain had been purchased for $693 million by Yucaipa Companies, owned by Los Angeles magnate Ron Burkle; the sale to Safeway was a big windfall for him, and financial analysts criticized Safeway for paying too much. Dominick's had cost Safeway about $16 million per store, compared with $11.3 million per store in the 1996 Vons deal.
    Burd was sure he could turn Dominick's into a powerful asset the way he had made Safeway into one—by careful attention to details. Safeway invested $294 million into improvements at Dominick's, rearranging store layouts, widening aisles, and introducing Safeway's highly successful house brands. Dominick's employees were paid about $3 per hour more than those at local rival Jewel, owned by Albertsons, making it difficult to compete on shelf price. Burd cut staffing at Dominick's to try to lower expenses. The initial results were not good. Customers were unhappy that comfortable old layouts had been replaced by Safeway's open configuration and that Safeway brands had replaced premium name brands. For three consecutive years Dominick's income declined, and its regional market-share fell from 28 percent to 23 percent. To be fair to Burd, high-quality Safeway brands had achieved margins as high as 30 percent in the Vons chain as well as at other Safeway stores, giving reason to expect them to find appreciative buyers in Illinois.
    In 1999 Safeway purchased Randall's Food Markets of Texas. To realize quick savings, Safeway reduced the chain's product selection and, as at Dominick's, introduced its house brands to customers unfamiliar with them. At both Dominick's and Randall's understaffing caused long lines at checkout registers, angering customers and lowering employee morale. Burd had long believed that high employee morale would result in better customer service, and he believed Safeway could excel in customer service, making its stores more attractive to shoppers than those of competitors, so the decline in morale was to him a serious problem.
    Burd believed that a key asset was store location—placing stores where they were most convenient for shoppers. Thus, he was always looking for ideal store locations. In May 2000, for example, Safeway bought six stores in Houston from Albertsons because they seemed well placed. Burd's aggressive moves to acquire more stores created excitement among investors and journalists, and by 2001 rumors were rife about what his next moves would be. That year Safeway's stock peaked at a little over $60 per share, an increase in value of $10 billion since 1993. The chain's sales had doubled since 1993, and the profit margin was 4 percent, a big increase over 1993.
    In February 2001 Safeway bought 11 stores in Arizona from Abco Foods, then purchased the Genuardi's Family Markets supermarket chain in Pennsylvania for $528 million. Genuardi's had 44 stores. Thereafter Genuardi's developed a reputation for poorly stocked shelves and poor produce. Burd viewed Safeway's advantages as location, selection, perishables, and service, but market forces were turning against him. In October 2001 United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW) members struck three Safeway stores in Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. Burd said that Safeway had to contain its labor costs in order to compete with challenges from discount chains, and he threatened to close the stores rather than give in. In June 2002, after months of negotiations, he did just that.
    In 2002 Safeway took over $1.2 billion in write downs (admitting the value of assets had gone down), a $589 million charge on Dominick's in April (taking a loss in value), and a $788 million charge on Dominick's again in November 2002. In November 2002 Safeway put Dominick's up for sale. Safeway's books valued Dominick's at only $315 million. Ron Burkle's Yucaipa Companies offered Safeway $350 million to buy back Dominick's, but Safeway turned him down; Burkle said he felt slighted by Safeway. In August 2003 Safeway sued Burkle for interfering in negotiations with Dominick's union, costing Safeway a purchaser for the chain because the purchaser could not reach an agreement with the union. Increases in costs of meat and dairy products further hurt Safeway's bottom line, because in a low-inflation economy it would have a hard time justifying increases in prices to its shoppers. Meanwhile, conditions at Genuardi's had deteriorated so badly that Safeway ran newspaper ads apologizing to customers and asking them to forgive Safeway and to try shopping at Genuardi's stores again. For 2002 Safeway grossed $35.7 billion, but it lost $828 million.

    RIDING A HURRICANE

    Events in 2003-2004 almost cost Burd his career and Safeway its financial strength. Wal-Mart announced that it would open 40 supercenters—stores that sold a full line of groceries as well as Wal-Mart's other offerings—in California. Discount chains in general, but Wal-Mart in particular, worried Burd and other supermarket leaders because they could significantly underprice traditional supermarkets. The biggest advantage for Wal-Mart seemed to be in the cost of labor. Wal-Mart employees were paid on average about $8 per hour less than Safeway employees and received few benefits, whereas Safeway's employees enjoyed some of the best benefits for retail workers anywhere in the country. The charge by the federal government in 2003 that Wal-Mart employed illegal immigrants who received no benefits only heightened the anxiety Wal-Mart caused its competitors.
    Burd said that labor costs were a threat to the supermarket industry's survival, that high wages and benefits made it impossible for the chains to compete with Wal-Mart and Target, which were nonunion. On October 11, 2003, the UFCW went on strike against Safeway's Vons stores in southern California. Vons had 326 stores and generated 19 percent of Safeway's sales. In support of Safeway, Albertsons and Ralph's, which was owned by Kroger Company, locked out UFCW workers. Union leaders said they chose to strike only Vons because Vons would have the toughest negotiators. The three supermarket chains made Burd their spokesperson. Mindful of his belief that employee morale translated into customer service, Burd moved to mitigate some of the hardships of striking Vons workers by setting up a fund to aid workers with mortgage bills, car payments, and other expenses, hoping to alleviate the hard feelings that would result from a strike. On October 16, 2003, Burd said the three supermarket chains had made their final offer to the union, declaring that the only changes that could be made to the offer would be to make it "less good" (SignOnSanDiego.com, October 26, 2003). Burd wanted to cut Safeway's contributions to health care from $3.85 per hour worked to $1.35 per hour worked. For its part, the UFCW feared that Safeway could set a precedent that would affect contract negotiations throughout the United States.

    Safeway's share price fell to $22 on October 24, 2003, which was still much higher than it had been in 1993. While Burd talked publicly about the long-term future of the industry and labor costs, he was working on revolutionary changes in how the supermarket industry dealt with vendors. For decades supermarket chains charged vendors for shelf space and shelf position; that is, in order to have its products placed in a good position on stores shelves, the vendor would pay the chain in cash. In 2003 Burd was reworking, in his typically meticulous fashion, the relationship between Safeway and vendors, demanding not cash for product placement, but price concessions. He saw Safeway's future in buying products for the lowest real-market value and then passing on the lowered prices to consumers. The prices might not beat those of discount chains, but they could be low enough that with superior products and service Safeway would attract customers away from Wal-Mart and its ilk. Further, he started having stores remodeled to be more comfortable for shoppers, installing imitation wood floors and softer lighting, for example. Market studies had indicated that shoppers found Wal-Mart stores chaotic and anxious; Burd sought to make Safeway's stores welcoming and calming. For 2003 Safeway grossed $35.6 billion but lost $170 million, failing to make a profit because it lost $696 million in the fourth quarter of the year, mostly due to lost revenue from its Vons stores.

    The West Coast leader of the UFCW was Sean Harrigan, a friend whom Burkle had helped become president of the California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS). In March 2004 CalPERS and the pension funds of New York, Illinois, and Connecticut, each owning shares in Safeway, urged fellow shareholders to oppose Burd during the May 20, 2004, meeting of shareholders. A few financial analysts recommended that their clients vote to oust Burd. In January 2004 about 250 demonstrators tried to march to Burd's home but were stopped by the gates and guards. They prayed and called Burd evil. He was vilified in the press and on Web sites for being greedy, for costing shareholders $20 billion in stock value during a decline since 2001, and for abusing the rights of employees.
    The southern California strike was settled in February 2004 in an arbitrated compromise that left workers with wages and benefits higher than in other retail businesses. Safeway's stock value was increasing, to over $28 per share. Shareholders complained that Safeway's board of directors lacked independence and profited from doing business with Safeway. Thus, the board dismissed three directors. Burd and two other longtime directors from the 1980s were targeted in the shareholders meeting, but each was reelected with over 80 percent of the vote. A proposition to separate the offices of CEO and chairman of the board received only 33.2 percent of the vote. Even so, a new position of lead independent director was created to help look after the interests of shareholders.
    See also entry on Safeway Inc. in International Directory of Company Histories .

    sources for further information

    Barron, Kelly, "The Sam Walton of Supermarkets?" Forbes , October 19, 1998, pp. 64–65.
    Green, Frank, "The Point Man," SignOnSanDiego.com , October 26, 2003, http://www.signonsandiego.com/news/business/20031026-9999_mz1b26point.html .
    Weinstein, Steve, "The Resurrection of Safeway," Progressive Grocer , January 1997, pp. 16–22.
    Whelan, David, "Unsafe at Safeway," Forbes , June 7, 2004, pp. 66–68.
    —Kirk H. Beetz


    Read more: http://www.referenceforbusiness.com/biography/A-E/Burd-Steven-A-1949.html#ixzz3VMFlXOow
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